TIME: Almanac of the 20th Century

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<text> <title> (Apr. 19, 1993) When Enough is Enough </title> <history> TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1993 Apr. 19, 1993 Los Angeles </history> <article> <source>Time Magazine</source> <hdr> ITALY, Page 47 When Enough is Enough </hdr> <body> Fed up with corruption, Italians now have a chance to revamp their political system By MARGUERITE JOHNSON--With reporting by John Moody/Rome Who ever thought that when the cold war ended, one of the losers would be Italy? For more than four decades, the same handful of politicians and parties claimed power as a bulwark against bolshevism. But once the threat of a communist government in Rome fizzled, the cozy coalition system began to implode. In the past year, magistrates have uncovered a spaghetti of corruption--illicit political payments, bribery, kickbacks and outright thievery--so tangled that even the tolerant, rule-bending Italians have been shocked. Many watched with a mixture of glee and dismay as nearly 2,500 of the country's political and business elite, from former Prime Ministers and corporate executives to legislators and businessmen, were either arrested or notified that they were under investigation in the scandal called Tangentopoli, or "kickback cities." The powerful have never won much respect from people who regard everything from stop lights to income tax laws as suggestions, not orders. Corruption was always a part of life. What has changed, though, may be the willingness of Italians to do something about it. Voters will go to the polls this Sunday to register their outrage in a referendum on their discredited political system. A si vote--widely expected--will not undo decades of corruption or transform the political landscape overnight, but supporters of reform argue that the referendum is the best way to begin the difficult passage toward a more responsive--and responsible--political order. "If the yes vote wins, it will not mean a magic wand is waved against all the problems of Italy," said Mario Segni, leader of the reformers. "But at least we can have strong institutions. The old parties will disappear. For the first time, alternation in government will be possible." Since the end of World War II, 51 governments have shuffled in and out while the levers of power never really changed hands. The dominant parties--Christian Democrats, Socialists, Republicans--played musical chairs at leading the government in arrangements that ensured each would continue to get its share of patronage and spoils. Reformers such as Segni, a law professor and longtime Christian Democrat who quit the party in protest, place much of the blame on the electoral system of proportional representation that has made it virtually impossible for any party to win a majority. The key provision in the referendum would eliminate proportional representation in the selection of 238 of the Senate's 315 members and give each seat to the candidate who wins the most votes. The proposal has provoked opposition from small parties who were boosted into Parliament under the old system; others argue that the referendum does not go far enough toward limiting the parties' power over choosing candidates. Reformers counter that the country can no longer afford the instability created when 16 or 17 parties all vie for their own rather than the national interest. If the measure is approved, the Chamber of Deputies, the lower house, could be forced to follow suit. A second question would end the handout of government campaign funds--a total of $52 million--to parties that win at least 5% of the vote in national elections. Reformers concede that the measure will have no effect on illegal campaign contributions, which are at the heart of Tan gentopoli, but it is a small attempt to placate voters outraged over the estimated $50 billion to $100 billion paid in bribes and kickbacks to politicians. Genuine political reconstruction may be long in the making. Tangentopoli has left scarcely any prominent political figure untouched. The latest to be implicated: Giulio Andreotti, a pillar of Italian politics for half a century and seven times Prime Minister, who is under investigation for corruption and for having ties to the Mafia. He has denied both accusations. The possibility of a Mafia connection at the pinnacle of power opened the door on far more sinister misbehavior than bribe taking. Suddenly, high-level murders, including those of former Prime Minister Aldo Moro following his kidnapping by the Red Brigades in 1978 and of General Carlo Alberto Dalla Chiesa, head of anti-Mafia operations in Sicily, in 1982, were being scrutinized anew. So was the embezzlement, allegedly by Christian Democrats, of $40 billion in aid intended to rebuild several southern cities after the 1980 earthquake, and the disappearance of huge sums of Third World development aid said to have been plundered by officials in Rome. Despite the prospect of more revelations, reformers hope the referendum will usher in a new era of Italian politics--even if its shape is still undefined. If, as widely expected, Segni announces formation of his own good-government party fresh from a referendum victory, his credibility might woo scandal-weary voters. However, it is unlikely he could put together an organization in time to benefit from the next elections, which could come as early as autumn. The populist Northern League led by Umberto Bossi has come on strong, but it must still extend its base of support beyond the northern provinces. Even if the referendum inspires new elections, Italians seem destined to endure yet another coalition, including, if no longer dominated by, the very parties responsible for their present quandary. </body> </article> </text>